Trousson, Raymond / Vercruysse, Jeroom (dir.), Dictionnaire general de Voltaire. (Champion classiques, references et dictionnaires 18) 1272 p. 2020:10 (Champion, FR) <670-9>
ISBN 978-2-38096-016-7 paper ¥7,064.- (税込) EUR 38.00

H.アーレント批判的全集　第5巻：全体主義の起源
Arendt, Hannah, The Origins of Totalitarianism / Elemente und Urspruenge totaler Herrschaft. 3 Bde. Hrsg. von A. Vowinckel u. a. (Hannah Arendt: Kritische Gesamtausgabe. Druck und Digital / Complete Works. Critical Edition. Print and Digital 5) 3000 S. 2025:12 (Wallstein Vlg., GW) <749-32>
ISBN 978-3-8353-5910-9 hard ¥30,131.- (税込) EUR 128.00

Hannah Arendts Totalitarismustheorie ist einer der wichtigsten Beitraege zur politischen Theorie und Historiografie. Ein Buch von verstoerender Aktualitaet. In diesem Buch, das in drei Teilen die Themen Antisemitismus, Imperialismus und Totalitarismus behandelt, untersucht Arendt die historischen Entwicklungen, die die Errichtung und Funktionsweisen totalitaerer politischer Systeme im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland und in der Sowjetunion unter Stalin ermoeglichten. Das Buch wurde innerhalb kuerzester Zeit zum Standardwerk der noch jungen Totalitarismusforschung. Es erschien 1951 zunaechst in englischer Sprache, 1955 folgte eine von Arendt selbst erstellte deutsche Fassung. 1958 ersetzte Arendt in einer englischsprachigen Neuauflage die ≫Concluding Remarks≪ durch ein neues Kapitel mit dem Titel ≫Ideology and Terror≪ und fuegte einen Epilog ueber die Ungarische Revolution von 1956 hinzu. Band 5 der Kritischen Gesamtausgabe versammelt und kommentiert die Buchfassungen letzter Hand, teilweise ergaenzt durch fruehere Fassungen, sowie alle Aufsaetze, Rezensionen, Vortragstexte, Exposes und Typoskripte aus dem Nachlass, die in engem Zusammenhang mit dem Werk stehen. Diese Ausgabe ermoeglicht es endlich, Arendts Hauptwerk in seiner Genese zu verstehen, im Kontext ihrer Schriften aus den 1930er bis 1950er Jahren zu verorten und historisch neu zu bewerten.

ルソーから自由民主主義までの世論と国民主権
Ghins, Arthur, The People's Two Powers: Public Opinion and Popular Sovereignty from Rousseau to Liberal Democracy. (Ideas in Context) 320 pp. 2026:1 (Cambridge U. Pr., UK) <749-13>
ISBN 978-1-009-68882-6 hard ¥25,443.- (税込) GB￡ 90.00

The People's Two Powers revisits the emergence of democracy during the French Revolution and examines how French liberalism evolved in response. By focusing on two concepts often studied separately-public opinion and popular sovereignty-Arthur Ghins uncovers a significant historical shift in the understanding of democracy. Initially tied to the direct exercise of popular sovereignty by Rousseau, Condorcet, the Montagnards, and Bonapartist theorists, democracy was first rejected, then associated with the idea of rule by public opinion by liberals throughout the nineteenth century. This redefinition culminated in the invention of the term 'liberal democracy' in France in the 1860s. Originally conceived in opposition to 'Caesarism' during the Second Empire, the term has an ongoing and important legacy, and was later redeployed by French liberals against shifting adversaries - 'totalitarianism' from the 1930s onward, and 'populism' since the 1980s.

D. Boeri, Marcelo / De Brasi, Leandro, Epistemic Life in the Polis: Ancient Insights into Contemporary Issues. 184 pp. 2025:7 (Springer, GW) <749-14>
ISBN 978-3-031-90858-3 hard ¥32,952.- (税込) EUR 139.99

This book shows the interesting connections within political epistemology that can be established between ancient approaches and contemporary ones. It stems from the conviction that ancient thought can be brought into discussion with contemporary views. Although the book is not intended as an exegetical work, the authors offer detailed interpretations of ancient philosophers while taking into consideration recent specialized discussions in the scholarship with a focus mainly on the systematic aspects of those philosophers rather than on the historical ones. By exploiting insights of Ancient Greek philosophers, and providing an examination of certain intellectual attitudes and virtues that have both an ethical-political and epistemic dimension, the reader will better understand contemporary issues within political epistemology.

Droin, Nathalie / de Thy, Ludovic (dir.), Decentralisation et Republique dans la pensee juridique et politique de la troisieme Republique. (Rencontres) 293 p. 2025:3 (Classiques Garnier, FR) <748-400>
ISBN 978-2-406-18081-4 hard ¥17,890.- (税込) EUR 76.00
ISBN 978-2-406-18080-7 paper ¥6,591.- (税込) EUR 28.00

パレートのエリートの権力及び社会の二極化論を再読する
Marshall, Alasdair J., Re-Reading Pareto on Elite Power and Societal Bipolarisation: A Critical Perspective on Metapolitics and Democracy. (Routledge Studies in Social and Political Thought) 360 pp. 2025:8 (Routledge, UK) <748-540>
ISBN 978-1-041-06446-6 hard ¥38,164.- (税込) GB￡ 135.00

Assessing Vilfredo Pareto's sociological reworkings of Machiavelli's Fox and Lion animal spirits as friend-enemy codings, this book offers a unique insight into the growing division today between relatively liberal elites and relatively conservative non-elites.Re-Reading Pareto on Elite Power and Societal Bipolarisation utilises key ideas common to Pareto's elite theory, general sociology and theory of demagogic plutocracy, and fleshes out a unique perspective for making sense of contemporary societal bipolarisation in terms of friend-enemy codings. The first part of the book explores what Pareto's core ideas are and outlines why they matter today. The second part considers how we might elaborate and apply Pareto's concept of 'open elites' to reverse contemporary societal bipolarisation and build safer and more mature democracies. The third part explains how we can apply Pareto to predict further deterioration toward fundamental social conflict - such that Pareto's sociological imagination becomes risk imagination we desperately need today.For academics and students across the domains of sociology, political science and social science in general, the book warns of widespread elite-institutional bias in their research and points to Pareto's neutral and balanced approach as a corrective - offering a uniquely Paretian view of minimal criteria for democracy, as well as a uniquely balanced analytical perspective for making sense of our 'culture war'.

Nold, Patrick (ed.), Dondinus Papiensis OP: Dyalogus de potentia summi pontificis: A Dialogue on the Power of the Supreme Pontiff. (Oxford Medieval Texts) 448 pp. 2025:8 (Oxford U. Pr., UK) <748-541>
ISBN 978-0-19-284478-1 hard ¥49,755.- (税込) GB￡ 176.00

This volume presents the first edition and translation of the Dyalogus de potentia summi pontifices, a little known, fragmentary work of fourteenth-century political theory by the Dominican Dondinus of Pavia. Dedicated to the Avignon Pope John XXII (1316-1334), it provides theological, philosophical, and historical justifications for the spiritual and temporal supremacy of the papacy asserted by Boniface VIII in Unam Sanctam of 1302. The dialogue unfolds in a dream vision in which an apologist for papal power and a sceptic argue before a judge. While the text at points characterizes opponents of papal power as heretics and even seems to counsel violence against them, the sceptic in the dialogue is nonetheless characterized as sympathetic, reasonable, and open to persuasion. An extensive introduction by the editor relates the Dyalogus to relevant landmarks of intellectual history of the early fourteenth century (such as John XXII's constitution Si fratrum on the vacant Empire and the subsequent pamphlet war with the imperial claimant Ludwig of Bavaria, or the curial trial of secular university master John of Pouilly over his critique of papally-granted pastoral privileges for mendicant friars). The introduction also provides a precise political context for understanding the work through a reconstruction of the career of the author's patron, Cardinal Luke Fieschi of Genoa, and through a consideration of John XXII's pro-Angevin strategy of pacification, inquisition, and crusade against Ghibelline lords of Northern Italy like the Visconti of Milan. An apparatus fontium points out parallels in contemporary authors such as John of Paris, Giles of Rome, James of Viterbo, Dante, Ptolemy of Lucca, and Marsilius of Padua. This editorial work ultimately reveals how Dondinus of Pavia used prior papal apologia to construct a dialogue that was most likely intended as a didactic tool of political catechesis for a lay audience.

マキァヴェッリにおける国家
Stacey, Peter, The State in Machiavelli. (Ideas in Context) 500 pp. 2025:11 (Cambridge U. Pr., UK) <748-542>
ISBN 978-1-009-63032-0 hard ¥35,337.- (税込) GB￡ 125.00

While historical scholarship has often downplayed the importance of Machiavelli's theory of the state, this study reconstructs the question of lo stato as the conceptual crux of his political philosophy. Peter Stacey offers a detailed reconstruction of the historical context from which Machiavelli's theory emerges, demonstrating how the intellectual and ideological contours of Machiavelli's thinking, as well as much of its content, were decisively shaped by conceptual apparatuses drawn from the Roman philosophical, rhetorical and aesthetic discourse. Stacey further provides a sustained analysis of the development of Machiavelli's picture of the state from his earliest writings onwards, underlining the extent to which the Florentine draws deeply upon several key aspects of this intellectual inheritance in hitherto unacknowledged ways, while calling into question some of its cherished assumptions about the character of collective political entities. As Machiavelli's thinking unfolds across The Prince and the Discourses, Stacey illustrates how a strikingly novel conception of the body politic marks him out as the author of a distinctively new philosophy of the state.

Anhalt, Emily Katz, Ancient Wisdom for Polarized Times: Why Humanity Needs Herodotus, the Man Who Invented History. 408 pp. 2025:10 (Yale U. Pr., US) <748-19>
ISBN 978-0-300-27287-1 hard ¥6,237.- (税込) US$ 30.00

How the wisdom of Herodotus can fortify us against political falsehoods and violent extremism Nearly 2,500 years ago, the Greek writer Herodotus introduced the concept of objective truth derived from factual investigation and empirical deduction. Writing just before the start of the catastrophic Peloponnesian War (431-404 BCE), Herodotus addressed an increasingly polarized Greek world. His Histories demonstrates that the capacity for humane moral action depends on the ability to resist unthinking allegiance to authoritative fictions. Herodotus offers an indispensable, nonpartisan approach for countering poisonous ideologies and violent conflict emanating from all extremes of the political kaleidoscope. Interpreting some of Herodotus's most compelling stories, Emily Katz Anhalt illuminates this ancient writer's vital insights concerning sexual violence, deception, foreign ways, political equality, and more. The Histories urges us to value reality, restrain destructive passions, and acknowledge the essential humanity of every human being-crucial guidance for navigating our own divisive and volatile political climate. By inviting us to take responsibility for our own choices and their consequences, Herodotus exposes autocratic leadership and abuses of power as self-defeating. Herodotus guides readers in assembling and assessing information, distinguishing fact from fiction, and making compassionate moral evaluations. The ancient Greeks never achieved an egalitarian, just society. Herodotus equips us to do better.

マキァヴェッリの影響と政治学の誕生
Almasi, Gabor, Science Meets Politics: Machiavelli's Influence and the Birth of Political Science. (History of European Political and Constitutional Thought 15) 460 pp. 2025:6 (Brill, NE) <747-800>
ISBN 978-90-04-73693-1 hard ¥35,310.- (税込) EUR 150.00

Machiavelli's early influence was more penetrating than has ever been believed, and this book explains why. The surprising answer leads the reader into the depths of the history of science, connecting Machiavelli's thought to new ways of thinking about experience, history, nature, and politics. Machiavelli's works resonated with readers not merely because of the political and moral questions they raised and answered, and this book argues that the ways in which Machiavelli engaged with these questions were of equal importance. His method reinforced the readers' own belief in the importance of an inductive and comparative approach, which relied on facts and numbers drawn from history and experience.

James, Leslie, The Moving Word: How the West African and Caribbean Press Shaped Black Political Thought, 1935-1960. 336 pp. 2026:1 (Harvard U. Pr., US) <747-802>
ISBN 978-0-674-27941-4 hard ¥10,384.- (税込) US$ 49.95

A revelatory account of Black Atlantic political thought in the era of decolonization, revealing how West African and Caribbean newspapers invigorated debates about imperialism, capitalism, and Black freedom.In the 1930s and 1940s, amid intensifying anticolonial activism across the British Empire, dozens of new West African and Caribbean newspapers printed their first issues. With small staffs and shoestring budgets, these newspapers nonetheless became powerful vehicles for the expression of Black political thought. Drawing on papers from Trinidad, Jamaica, Ghana, and Nigeria, Leslie James shows how the press on both sides of the Atlantic nourished anticolonial and antiracist movements. Editors with varying levels of education, men and women journalists, worker and peasant correspondents, and anonymous contributors voiced incisive critiques of empire and experimented with visions of Black freedom. But as independence loomed, the press transformed to better demonstrate the respectability expected of a self-governing people.Seeing themselves as "the Fourth and Only Estate," the sole democratic institution available to a colonized population, early press contributors experimented with the form and function of the newspaper itself. They advanced anticolonial goals through clipping and reprinting articles from a variety of sources; drawing on local ways of speaking; and manipulating photography, comics, and advertising. Such unruly content, James shows, served as a strategic assertion of autonomy against colonial bureaucracy. Yet in the 1950s, this landscape changed as press professionalism became a proxy for a colony's capacity to govern itself. Influenced by new political paradigms, papers either standardized their formats or stopped publishing altogether. By the 1960s, intellectual debates about racism and colonialism had moved to other kinds of publications.Illuminating an extraordinary period in the history of Black Atlantic political thought, The Moving Word vividly portrays the power of experimental media.

J.P.マコーミック著　マキァヴェッリ、リーダーシップ、自由
McCormick, John P., The People's Princes: Machiavelli, Leadership, and Liberty. 304 pp. 2025:8 (U. Chicago Pr., US) <747-804>
ISBN 978-0-226-84235-6 hard ¥23,908.- (税込) US$ 115.00
ISBN 978-0-226-84237-0 paper ¥6,756.- (税込) US$ 32.50

A new window into Machiavelli's idea of virtuous leadership and the appropriate relationship among leaders, common citizens, and elites. For more than a decade, John P. McCormick has been at the forefront of a new wave of scholarship that reveals the anti-elitist and democratic commitments at the center of Niccolo Machiavelli's political thought. In The People's Princes, McCormick turns his attention to Machiavelli's conception of virtuous leadership and Machiavelli's views on the appropriate relationships among individual leaders, common citizens, and elites. While most people think of Machiavelli as a cynical advisor of tyrants-a man who counseled leaders to aggrandize themselves, by any means necessary, at the expense of their subjects and citizens-The People's Princes fundamentally challenges this understanding. Drawing from Machiavelli's major political works a normative standard for leadership that emphasizes the mutually reinforcing relationship of civic leadership and popular government, McCormick delineates Machiavelli's method of "political exemplarity" by analyzing in detail the Florentine's case studies of leaders and their interactions with populaces throughout ancient and modern history. McCormick argues that Machiavelli suggests that civic leaders should enhance their reputations by providing for their own eventual obsolescence; specifically, they should establish institutional means through which common citizens rule themselves more directly and substantively. The People's Princes invites readers to consider Machiavelli anew, and also reflect on insights that remain relevant in the twenty-first century amidst growing concerns that political leaders are not accountable or responsive to popular majorities.

ファシズムという語の歴史
Marcon, Federico, Fascism: The History of a Word. (The Life of Ideas) 448 pp. 2025:6 (U. Chicago Pr., US) <747-27>
ISBN 978-0-226-84130-4 hard ¥23,908.- (税込) US$ 115.00
ISBN 978-0-226-84132-8 paper ¥7,276.- (税込) US$ 35.00 *

A wide-ranging history of the term "fascism," what it has meant, and what it means today. The rise and popular support for authoritarianism around the world and within traditional democracies have spurred debates over the meaning of the term "fascist" and when and whether it is appropriate to use it. The landmark study Fascism: The History of a Word takes this debate further by tackling its most fundamental questions: How did the terms "fascism" and "fascist" come to be in the first place? How and in what circumstances have they been used? How can they be understood today? And what are the advantages (or disadvantages) of using "fascism" to make sense of interwar authoritarianism as well as contemporary politics? Exploring the writings and deeds of political leaders, activists, artists, authors, and philosophers, Federico Marcon traces the history of the term's use (and usefulness) in relation to Mussolini's political regime, antifascist resistance, and the quest of postwar historians to develop a definition of a "fascist minimum." This investigation of the semiotics of "fascism" also aims to inquire about people's voluntary renunciation of the modern emancipatory ideals of freedom, equality, and solidarity.

I.ホント他編　プーフェンドルフからマルクスまでの政治経済学の歴史
Hont, Istvan / Andersen, Lasse S. (ed.), Culture, Needs and Property Rights: A History of Political Economy from Pufendorf to Marx. 302 pp. 2025:10 (Cambridge U. Pr., UK) <747-108>
ISBN 978-1-009-59758-6 hard ¥25,443.- (税込) GB￡ 90.00
ISBN 978-1-009-59755-5 paper ¥7,915.- (税込) GB￡ 28.00

Istvan Hont (1947-2013) defected from Communist Hungary in the 1970s and became renowned globally as a scholarly visionary in European political ideas. Following his death, a wealth of unpublished material from an early project rewriting the history of liberty, politics and political economy from Samuel Pufendorf to Karl Marx was discovered. This book brings together seven of Hont's previously unpublished papers, providing a revolutionary intellectual history of the Marxian notion of communism and revealing its origin in seventeenth-century natural jurisprudence. Hont aspired to integrate the history and theory of politics and economics, to infuse present-day concerns with a knowledge of past events and theoretical responses. The essays selected for this volume realise Hont's historical imagination, range and intellectual ambition, exploring his belief that Marxism ought to be abandoned and explaining how to do it.

Watkin, Christopher, The State of Nature and the Shaping of Modernity: Tracing the Roots of Colonialism, Secularity, and Ecology. 379 pp. 2025:12 (Cambridge U. Pr., UK) <746-41>
ISBN 978-1-009-67046-3 hard ¥29,683.- (税込) GB￡ 105.00

The state of nature is a powerful idea at the heart of the fragmented and sometimes conflicting stories the modern West tells about itself. It also makes sense of foundational Western commitments to equality and accumulation, freedom and property, universality and the individual. By exploring the social and cultural imaginaries that emerge from the distinct and often contradictory accounts of the state of nature in the writing of Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau, The State of Nature and the Shaping of Modernity offers a fresh perspective on some of the most pressing debates of our time, showing how the state of nature idea provides a powerful lens through which to focus the complex forces shaping today's political and cultural landscape. It also explores how ideas about human nature and origins drive today's debates about colonialism, secularism, and the environment, and how they can shed new light on some of society's most heated debates.

王政復古期イングランドにおける経済学、政治学、繁栄－W.テンプルの著作の思想史
Haavisto, Juha, Economics, Politics and Prosperity in Restoration England: An Intellectual History of the Works of Sir William Temple. (Perspectives in Economic and Social History) 218 pp. 2025:7 (Routledge, UK) <746-170>
ISBN 978-1-032-75845-9 hard ¥40,991.- (税込) GB￡ 145.00

Drawing on key published works, as well as those of his contemporaries, this book explores the political and economic thought of the seventeenth century diplomat William Temple and his proposals for change in Restoration England and Ireland.Adopting a revisionist approach, the book explores Temple's efforts to balance and advance English society during a period of shifting power between England, the Netherlands, and France. Engaging with themes including mercantilism, state building, and environmental determinism, Temple connected the ideas of antiquity to those of contemporaries while influencing subsequent intellectual currents. As the book shows, Temple viewed humans as curious and greedy creatures, who would stop at nothing unless their motivations and passions could be subdued or diverted. This belief had immediate practical political and economic consequences in Temple's work: the survival and stability of the polity had to be secured, but he also advocated toleration so that members of society were afforded space to follow their motivations. Furthermore, this led Temple to argue that prosperity could be achieved not only by managing human nature but through practical action as well. He advocated for direct investment in Ireland to boost its commercial prospects, albeit for the benefit of the English crown, in a way that foreshadows current thinking on economic development.This book will be of interest to readers in the history of economic and political thought, environmental history, intellectual history, and early modern history more broadly.

Baljer, Timo, Gemeinsam auf Verlorenem Posten?: Zu Interpretation und Vergleich von Ernst Juengers 'Der Waldgang' und Carl Schmitts 'Theorie des Partisanen'. (Epistemata Philosophie 635) 240 S. 2025:3 (Koenigshausen & Neumann, GW) <745-603>
ISBN 978-3-8260-9105-6 paper ¥10,357.- (税込) EUR 44.00

連邦主義の理論－思想史研究
Krause, Skadi Siiri (Hrsg.), Theorien des Foederalismus: Beitraege zu einer Ideengeschichte. (Staatsverstaendnisse 183) 458 S. 2025:2 (Nomos, GW) <745-604>
ISBN 978-3-7560-0680-9 paper ¥28,012.- (税込) EUR 119.00

Die empirische und vergleichende Foederalismusforschung hat die theoretische und ideengeschichtliche Betrachtung zunehmend in den Hintergrund gedraengt. Es fehlen sowohl eine umfassende historische Darstellung der politischen Auseinandersetzungen um den modernen Foederalismus als auch eine Analyse des Verhaeltnisses von Foederalismus und Demokratie. Der Band zeigt die Vielfalt des Foederalismusdiskurses von der Fruehen Neuzeit bis zur EU, analysiert Pfadabhaengigkeiten bestimmter Denktraditionen und beleuchtet verfassungsrechtliche Regelungen und Prinzipien der foederalen Tradition. Dabei wird ein ideengeschichtlicher Kanon vorgestellt, der das moderne Politik- und Demokratieverstaendnis nachhaltig gepraegt hat. Mit Beitraegen von Gabriele Abels Juri Auderset Volker Depkat Skadi Siiri Krause Chrlotte A. Lerg Thomas Maissen Hartmut Marhold Wiliam Mathie James Read Lee Ward Siegfried Weichlein Claudia Wiesner

Mehring, Reinhard, Jenseits von Freund und Feind: Carl Schmitt im Kontext von Antipoden. 250 S. 2025:6 (Koenigshausen & Neumann, GW) <745-605>
ISBN 978-3-8260-9280-0 paper ¥8,474.- (税込) EUR 36.00

Putin, Trump, Brandmauern: Wie gelangt man ueber simplifizierende Polarisierungen hinaus? Carl Schmitt-Forschung ist hier ein Laboratorium. Schmitt hatte 1933 die ≫deutschen Intellektuellen≪ und den ≫freischwebenden Intellektualismus≪ verflucht und aus Deutschland ≫ausgespien fuer alle Zeit≪. Schmitt-Forschung sollte deshalb auch die Diskriminierungsopfer einbeziehen. Der paradoxe Titel der Sammlung signalisiert das strittige Bemuehen, durch Kontroversen und Polarisierungen hindurch zu abgeklaerteren Urteilen zu gelangen. Die folgende Sammlung verknuepft neue Studien mit Sondierungen des Forschungsstandes sowie kritischen Besprechungen zur Lage und einem Essay ueber Krieg und Frieden in heutigen Tagen. Mit Hermann Heller und Juergen Habermas zielt sie dabei auf systematische Kritik. Eroeffnet wird sie aber mit Beitraegen zu drei sehr unterschiedlichen Opfern nationalsozialistischer Verfolgung: Thomas Mann, Emil Utitz, Ludwig Feuchtwanger.

21世紀におけるI.バーリン
Crowder, George, Isaiah Berlin in the Twenty-First Century: Liberal Pluralism for Troubled Times. 224 pp. 2025:6 (Routledge, UK) <744-723>
ISBN 978-0-367-76455-5 hard ¥40,991.- (税込) GB￡ 145.00
ISBN 978-0-367-76464-7 paper ¥11,304.- (税込) GB￡ 39.99

Isaiah Berlin is well known as a defender of liberal democracy in the Cold War. In this path-breaking study, George Crowder argues that Berlin's ideas have application beyond their original context to the problems of our own time.Focusing on three central themes - liberty, identity, and value pluralism - Crowder presents a fresh interpretation of Berlin, exposing the misunderstandings of critics, especially those who ignore Berlin's pluralist foundation. Although genuine problems remain, these can be alleviated by revising and extending Berlin's view to construct an updated liberal pluralism. Together with Berlin's own arguments, liberal pluralism is then brought to bear on a range of current concerns, including neoliberalism, identity politics, populism, international relations, religion, feminism, climate change, and global pandemics. The resulting outlook is complex, realistic, humane, and positive.Isaiah Berlin in the Twenty-First Century represents a new departure in the study of Berlin, value pluralism, and liberal thought more generally. It is essential reading for researchers and advanced students in these fields, but its wide range will appeal to anyone interested in the values and politics of our troubled times.

ハンス・ケルゼン全集　第10巻：論文集　1925～28年
Kelsen, Hans, Werke. Bd. 10: Veroeffentlichte Schriften 1925-1928. Hrsg. von M. Jestaedt. 700 S. 2025:5 (Mohr, GW) <744-502>
ISBN 978-3-16-150787-8 hard ¥49,434.- (税込) EUR 210.00

Band 10 der HKW umfasst drei Beitraege aus dem Jahr 1923 und einen erst juengst entdeckten Nachruf Kelsens auf seinen Lehrer Edmund Bernatzik aus dem Jahr 1919. Unter den drei 1923er-Schriften finden sich zwei Monografien, die - neben der Konsolidierung der Reinen Rechtslehre - Kelsens wissenschaftliche Hauptinteressen jener Jahre widerspiegeln: Mit der Zweitauflage von "Sozialismus und Staat" setzt Kelsen die Reihe von Publikationen gegen die seinerzeit wirkmaechtigen Stroemungen des (Austro-)Marxismus und Leninismus fort; die - von Carlos Miguel Herrera, Paris, eingeleitete - Monografie darf als die profundeste zeitgenoessische Kritik gelten. Und mit dem "Osterreichischen Staatsrecht" - mit einer Einleitung von Clemens Jabloner, Wien - praesentiert Kelsen die erste wissenschaftliche Gesamtdarstellung des Verfassungsrechts der Ersten Republik und festigt damit neben seiner Rolle als Verfassungsarchitekt seine Stellung als bedeutendster Chronist und Mittler des neuen Verfassungsrechts.

政治哲学におけるカントの初期の追随者
Maliks, Reidar / Widmer, Elisabeth Theresia (eds.), Kant's Early Followers in Political Philosophy. (Routledge Studies in Eighteenth-Century Philosophy) 260 pp. 2025:6 (Routledge, UK) <744-39>
ISBN 978-1-032-85190-7 hard ¥40,991.- (税込) GB￡ 145.00

Immanuel Kant influenced a large and productive group of political philosophers in the 1790s. This volume argues that they brought out more fully the egalitarian principles of Kantian republicanism."The Kantian school" featured young philosophers including Saul Ascher, Johann Adam Bergk, Johann Benjamin Erhard, Johann Ludwig Ewald, the early Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Friedrich Schlegel, and Johann Heinrich Tieftrunk. They combined their commitment to Kant with a dedication to freedom, equality, popular sovereignty, and a people's right to revolution. Furthermore, they sought to bring their notion of Kantian republicanism to bear on the political agenda in 1790s Germany. The chapters in this volume analyze their work in relation to Kant and their wider philosophical and political context. They advance three main theses. First, the Kantians defended popular sovereignty and several of them supported the extension of the right to vote to workers and women. Second, several of them developed a political perfectionism, the view that equal political rights are justified for their effects on cultivating moral character. Third, they developed sophisticated theories of state legitimacy and collective action, defending a people's right to change their constitution, either through reform or revolution.Kant's Early Followers in Political Philosophy offers a systematic view into a neglected group of thinkers at a foundational moment for modern political thought. It will be of interest to scholars and graduate students working on Kant, eighteenth century philosophy, political philosophy, and the history of early modern German political thought.

G.オーウェル－生涯と遺産
Colls, Robert, George Orwell: Life and Legacy. 112 pp. 2026:1 (Oxford U. Pr., UK) <743-9>
ISBN 978-0-19-883001-6 hard ¥4,237.- (税込) GB￡ 14.99

George Orwell has never been more quoted and misquoted. Can he be rescued from the soundbites? George Orwell remains a work in progress. He is, or has become, a meme, a global writer, a national treasure, a London statue, a scholarly society, a Prize and a Journal, a trope and a show, various movies, various murals, various misquotations, two adjectives, at least half a dozen fictions and most recently "a dead metaphor" with plenty more accolades to come. George Orwell: Life and Legacy by Colls is an intellectual biography which offers an original account of Orwell's life and work from his birth in the high noon of British imperialism in 1903, to his death on the eve of the Cold War in 1950. Orwell's life played out against a background of two world wars, two great revolutions, one long global depression, the rise and rise of Communism, and the war-time pre-eminence of the United. Yet no matter how alert he was to all these great struggles, and no matter how guarded he was in his personal life, Orwell never turned away from the question of who he was, and the contradictions that entailed. His two great modern masterpieces Animal Farm (1945) and Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949) arrived to define the age he lived in. Interest in him has never abated since; no writer is more quoted or misquoted. Orwell is in danger of being lost to soundbites. Colls reveals the author once again.

Neal, Coyle, Echoes of Antiquity: Hellenistic Thought in a Politically Changing World. 210 pp. 2025:2 (Lexington Books, US) <743-15>
ISBN 978-1-6669-4127-2 hard ¥21,829.- (税込) US$ 105.00

Echoes of Antiquity: Hellenistic Thought in a Politically Changing World invites readers to explore the profound philosophical schools of the Hellenistic era. It delves into the thought of the Skeptics, Cynics, Epicureans, and Stoics, revealing how their unique perspectives pursue a fulfilling life and deeper understanding of the world. This book not only sheds light on the historical context of these philosophies but also connects them to modern thinkers and contemporary challenges. Each chapter serves as a guide through the complexities of Hellenistic thought, encouraging readers to consider why the varieties of ancient wisdom still matter today. Echoes of Antiquity: Hellenistic Thought in a Politically Changing World will guide the reader in understanding how the philosophers who lived between the times of Aristotle and Augustine attempted to make sense of their world and pointed towards pathways to a good and happy life that continue to endure.

政治的なデカルト－デカルトの思想に関する新しい考察
Pellegrin, Marie-Frederique / Raymond, Clement (dir.), Descartes politique: nouvelles considerations sur la pensee cartesienne. (Constitution de la modernite) 307 p. 2024:12 (Classiques Garnier, FR) <743-29>
ISBN 978-2-406-17319-9 hard ¥18,596.- (税込) EUR 79.00
ISBN 978-2-406-17318-2 paper ¥7,532.- (税込) EUR 32.00

Pfahl-Traughber, Armin, Politische "Klassiker" der Neuen Rechten: Antidemokratische Denker aus der Weimarer Republik. 180 S. 2025:6 (Dietz Nachf., GW) <741-769>
ISBN 978-3-8012-0678-9 paper ¥4,708.- (税込) EUR 20.00

自由と完全－ライプニッツからマルクスまでのドイツ政治思想
Moggach, Douglas, Freedom and Perfection: German Political Thought from Leibniz to Marx. (Ideas in Context) 280 pp. 2025:6 (Cambridge U. Pr., UK) <741-48>
ISBN 978-1-009-59043-3 hard ¥29,683.- (税込) GB￡ 105.00

Leibniz, this study argues, is the genuine initiator of German Idealism. His analysis of freedom as spontaneity and the relations he establishes among freedom, justice, and progress underlie Kant's ideas of rightful interaction and his critiques of Enlightened absolutism. Freedom and Perfection offers a historical examination of perfectionism, its political implications and transformations in German thought between 1650 and 1850. Douglas Moggach demonstrates how Kant's followers elaborated a new ethical-political approach, 'post-Kantian perfectionism', which, in the context of the French Revolution, promoted the conditions for free activity rather than state-directed happiness. Hegel, the Hegelian School, and Marx developed this approach further with reference to the historical process as the history of freedom. Highlighting the decisive importance of Leibniz for subsequent theorists of the state, society, and economy, Freedom and Perfection offers a new interpretation of important schools of modern thought and a vantage point for contemporary political debates.

Curtright, Travis, The Controversial Thomas More: Politics, Polemics, and Prison Writings. (The Beginning and the Beyond of Politics) 256 pp. 2025:4 (U. Notre Dame Pr., US) <741-17>
ISBN 978-0-268-20914-8 hard ¥20,790.- (税込) US$ 100.00 *
ISBN 978-0-268-20915-5 paper ¥7,900.- (税込) US$ 38.00 *

The Controversial Thomas More offers an original and critical intervention on the writings of Thomas More and his opposition to King Henry VIII. Thomas More is known for refusing the oath of succession and remaining silent about his reasons for doing so. His prison literature, however, tells a different story. Under the threat of execution, More waged an astonishingly prolific and often coded writing campaign in rebuke of King Henry VIII's claim to be supreme head of the Church in England. Travis Curtright's groundbreaking book shows how William Rastell, More's nephew and printer, fashioned a historically inaccurate depiction of More, one that persists to this day. Rastell's edition of More's works gave the false impression that More stopped writing polemical literature in 1533 and, instead, turned his mind exclusively toward heaven and away from politics. In contrast, Curtright proves that More's prison writings are not just devotional literature but also a powerful defense of a united Church under the pope, reestablishing More as a key political and religious thinker, defiant of King Henry VIII. Most scholars restrict More's political thought to his Utopia, but The Controversial Thomas More shows how his prison writings best reveal his ideas of political unity and authority, and is a reconsideration of More's legacy and place in the history of the Henrician Reformation.

革命の時代におけるE.バークとC.フォックス
Grant, James, Friends Until the End: Edmund Burke and Charles Fox in the Age of Revolution. 512 pp. 2025:9 (Norton, US) <741-18>
ISBN 978-0-393-54210-3 hard ¥9,355.- (税込) US$ 45.00

Edmund Burke and Charles Fox made common political cause in eighteenth-century Britain for twenty-five years: They supported the rebellious American colonies, attacked the British slave trade, defended religious liberty, and attempted to shield Britain's public credit from the crisis-prone East India Company. The two men were an improbable pair. But the hard-drinking, mistress-collecting Fox loved and admired Burke, feelings that the clean-living political philosopher and statesman warmly reciprocated. They moved together in the London intellectual world and jointly opposed what they regarded as the overreaching crown. Friends Until the End traces Burke and Fox's relationship through three great events: the American Revolution; the impeachment of the East India Company's governor-general; and the French Revolution, which ended their political union and shattered their friendship. With wit and panache, James Grant illuminates the politics and economics of their era and its lessons for our divided present.

J.-J.ルソーの政治哲学
Jordan, Will R. (ed.), Natural Man, Citizen, Philosopher: The Political Philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. 224 pp. 2025:3 (Mercer U. Pr., US) <741-19>
ISBN 978-0-88146-962-2 paper ¥5,197.- (税込) US$ 25.00 *

ホッブズの性論
Sreedhar, Susanne, Hobbes on Sex. 192 pp. 2025:8 (Oxford U. Pr., UK) <741-20>
ISBN 978-0-19-284820-8 hard ¥21,767.- (税込) GB￡ 77.00

Why care what Hobbes thought about sex? Contemporary scholars have largely dismissed Hobbes's brief, and somewhat scattered, remarks about gender and sexuality as peripheral to his central concerns. In Hobbes on Sex, the first book-length study of Hobbes's writings on these topics, Susanne Sreedhar challenges this dismissal. Far from being haphazard or tangential, Hobbes's views on sex are integral to his broader philosophical-political project. Drawing out the underlying logic of his claims, this volume reconstructs a coherent, substantive, and distinctive account of sexual normativity from Hobbes's various remarks. It argues that, in stark contrast to many of his contemporaries and the traditions from which he emerges, Hobbes is logically committed to a view it calls sexual positivism. According to Hobbes, the nature and status of gender and sexuality--from the proper organization of marriage and the family, to prohibitions on sexual behaviors, to the differences between men and women, to the legitimacy of female rule--are entirely a matter of positive (i.e., civil) law. Because matters of gender and sexuality are the result of human action for Hobbes, they are fundamentally contingent and revisable. This contingency stands in contrast with the pervasive and entrenched ways both natural patriarchalism and sexual moralism were enthroned in much of early modern political theorizing. The volume argues that Hobbes's sexual positivism dethrones sex from its usual prominent position in the history of philosophy. By systematically stripping gender and sexuality of their privileged status, whether as a source of normativity or as a topic of inquiry, this dethroning of sex strikes at the heart of beliefs about human nature, moral knowledge, and social and political institutions that are widely accepted even today. This novel interpretation of Hobbes's views on sexual normativity not only challenges traditional understandings of the trajectory of early modern political thought, but it also suggests a new understanding of his place in the intellectual history of sex.

Einstein, Albert, Albert Einstein's "Why Socialism?: The Enduring Legacy of His Classic Essay. Ed. by J. B. Foster. 104 pp. 2025:5 (Monthly Review, US) <740-80>
ISBN 978-1-68590-099-1 hard ¥4,147.- (税込) US$ 19.95 *

カントの政治哲学講義－批判的案内
Rauscher, Frederick (ed.), Kant's Lectures on Political Philosophy: A Critical Guide. (Cambridge Critical Guides) 326 pp. 2025:7 (Cambridge U. Pr., UK) <740-28>
ISBN 978-1-009-21508-4 hard ¥25,443.- (税込) GB￡ 90.00

A decade prior to his main publications in political philosophy, Kant presented his views on the topic in his 1784 course lectures on natural right. This Critical Guide examines this only surviving student transcript of these lectures, which shows how Kant's political philosophy developed in response to the dominant natural law tradition and other theories. Fourteen new essays explore how Kant's lectures reveal his assessment of natural law, the central value of freedom, the importance of property and contract, the purposes and powers of the state, and the role of individual autonomy and the rights of human beings. The essays place his claims in relation to events and other publications of the early 1780s, and show Kant in the process of working out the theories which would later characterize his influential political philosophy.

J.-J.ルソー－歴史に直面する政治学
Canivez, Patrice, Jean-Jacques Rousseau: la politique face a l'histoire. 463 p. 2024:11 (PUF, FR) <740-10>
ISBN 978-2-13-086726-5 paper ¥6,120.- (税込) EUR 26.00

社会契約論－パトニー討論からロールズまでの政治的平等
Edmundson, William A., The Social Contract: Political Equality from Putney to Rawls. 257 pp. 2025:5 (Cambridge U. Pr., UK) <739-13>
ISBN 978-1-009-39526-7 hard ¥24,029.- (税込) GB￡ 85.00 *

We are all parties to a social contract and obligated under it. Or is this mere fiction? How is such an agreement possible in a society riven by deep moral disagreement? William Edmundson explains the social-contract tradition from its beginnings in the English Revolution, through Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau to its culmination in the work of John Rawls. The idea that legitimate government rests on the consent of free equals took shape in the seventeenth century and was developed in the eighteenth but fell into disuse in the nineteenth century even as democracy, toleration, and limited government gained ground. Edmundson shows how Rawls revived the idea of a social contract in the mid-twentieth century to secure these gains, as the then-dominant moral theories, such as utilitarianism, could not. The book also defends Rawls's conviction that political equality is integral to the idea of reciprocity at the heart of the tradition.

時代の精神に反対するC.シュミット　第3版
Voigt, Ruediger, Denken in Widerspruechen: Carl Schmitt wider den Zeitgeist. 3., aktual. u. ueberarb. Aufl. (Staatsverstaendnisse 154) 490 S. 2024:10 (Nomos, GW) <738-430>
ISBN 978-3-7560-1578-8 paper ¥28,012.- (税込) EUR 119.00 *

Carl Schmitt dachte und schrieb in Widerspruechen. War das bereits ein Aufstand des Denkens im Sinne Alain Badious? Oder war Schmitt ? wie manche Interpreten meinen ? lediglich ein, wenn auch sprachgewaltiger Opportunist? Eine gewisse Widerborstigkeit gegenueber dem sog. ?Mainstream“ bewegt ihn sein ganzes Leben lang. Seit Beginn seiner wissenschaftlichen Arbeit hat er mit seinen teilweise aeusserst provokanten Thesen stets die Aufmerksamkeit der Fachwelt ? und oft auch darueber hinaus ? auf sich gezogen. Seine Gedankenschaerfe und sein geschliffener Stil machten und machen seine Schriften lesenswert. Die dritte Auflage ist der grossen Zahl von Neuerscheinungen geschuldet. Im Mittelpunkt stehen zentrale Begriffe seines Werkes, wie das Freund-Feind-Verhaeltnis, die Legitimitaet politischer Entscheidungen, das Grossraum-Denken und nicht zuletzt Staatsraeson und Ausnahmezustand. Ruediger Voigt, emeritierter Professor fuer Verwaltungswissenschaft an der Universitaet der Bundeswehr Muenchen, ist Autor und Herausgeber zahlreicher Buecher ueber Staatstheorie und Staatspraxis.

Lepan, Geraldine, Les passions en politique: l'amitie des citoyens. (Constitution de la modernite) 474 p. 2024:10 (Classiques Garnier, FR) <738-32>
ISBN 978-2-406-17322-9 hard ¥20,244.- (税込) EUR 86.00
ISBN 978-2-406-17321-2 paper ¥8,945.- (税込) EUR 38.00

J.バーナム－知的伝記
Byrne, David T., James Burnham: An Intellectual Biography. 256 pp. 2025:3 (Northern Illinois U. Pr., US) <737-798>
ISBN 978-1-5017-8004-2 hard ¥7,057.- (税込) US$ 33.95 *

In this intellectual biography of one of the most important political thinkers of the twentieth century, David T. Byrne reveals the fascinating life of James Burnham. Beginning his intellectual career as a disciple of Leon Trotsky, Burnham preached socialist revolution to the American working classes during the Great Depression. In 1940 he split with Trotsky over the nature of the USSR. Attempting to explain the world that was emerging in the early days of World War II, Burnham penned one of the most successful political works of the early 1940s, titled The Managerial Revolution. This dystopian treatise predicted collectivization and rule by bland managers and bureaucrats. Burnham's next book, The Machiavellians, argued that political elites seek only to obtain and maintain power, and democracy is best achieved by resisting them. After World War II, Burnham became one of the foremost anticommunists in the United States. His The Struggle for the World and The Coming Defeat of Communism remain two of the most important books of the early Cold War era. Rejecting George F. Kennan's policy of containment, Burnham demanded an aggressive foreign policy against the Soviet Union. Along with William F. Buckley, Burnham helped found National Review magazine in 1955, where he expressed his political views for more than two decades. As Byrne shows in James Burnham, the political theorist's influence has stretched from George Orwell to Ronald Reagan to Donald Trump's base. Burnham's ideas about the elite and power remain part of US political discourse and, perhaps, have more relevance than ever before.

来たるべき革命－トゥキュディデスからレーニンまでの思想史
Edelstein, Dan, The Revolution to Come: A History of an Idea from Thucydides to Lenin. 432 pp. 2025:4 (Princeton U. Pr., US) <737-16>
ISBN 978-0-691-23185-3 hard ¥7,276.- (税込) US$ 35.00 *

How an event once considered the greatest of all political dangers came to be seen as a solution to all social problemsPolitical thinkers from Plato to John Adams saw revolutions as a grave threat to society and advocated for a constitution that prevented them by balancing social interests and forms of government. The Revolution to Come traces how evolving conceptions of history ushered in a faith in the power of revolution to create more just and reasonable societies.Taking readers from Greek antiquity to Leninist Russia, Dan Edelstein describes how classical philosophers viewed history as chaotic and directionless, and sought to keep historical change-especially revolutions-at bay. This conception prevailed until the eighteenth century, when Enlightenment thinkers conceived of history as a form of progress and of revolution as its catalyst. These ideas were put to the test during the French Revolution and came to define revolutions well into the twentieth century. Edelstein demonstrates how the coming of the revolution leaves societies divided over its goals, giving rise to new forms of violence in which rivals are targeted as counterrevolutionaries.A panoramic work of intellectual history, The Revolution to Come challenges us to reflect on the aims and consequences of revolution and to balance the value of stability over the hope for change in our own moment of fear and upheaval.

Balazs, Zoltan / Molnar, Csaba, Modern Hungarian Political Thought: Ideologies and Traditions. 355 pp. 2024:11 (Palgrave Macmillan, UK) <736-736>
ISBN 978-3-031-73760-2 hard ¥32,952.- (税込) EUR 139.99 *

This book introduces the reader into the discursive political pluralism of modern Hungary, roughly from the mid-19th century, with a particular emphasis on the spectrum of contemporary political thought. The book relies on Michael Freeden's method of ideology analysis, focusing on concepts, principles, values, as well as interrelations, but it puts a greater emphasis on nonverbal traditions as bearers of political thought to explain how political pluralism can subsist in periods of dictatorship. Through this analysis, the authors demonstrate how and why contemporary Hungarian political pluralism is a reflection both on the current trends in Western political thought and on its own past.

Jones, Richard Wyn, Putting Wales First: The Political Thought of Plaid Cymru. Volume 1. 304 pp. 2024:10 (U. Wales Pr., UK) <736-737>
ISBN 978-1-83772-183-2 paper ¥5,650.- (税込) GB￡ 19.99 *

This authoritative book traces the development of Plaid Cymru's political thought from its birth in 1924-5 to the establishment of the National Assembly for Wales in 1999. Through a penetrating study of the political beliefs of its most important leaders - Saunders Lewis, Gwynfor Evans, Dafydd Elis-Thomas and Dafydd Wigley - we follow the party's emergence from the political fringe to the threshold of a devolved Wales. The development of Plaid Cymru's constitutional and economic policies are examined in detail, as well as its attitude towards the Welsh language. A vibrant discussion on the nature of nationalism and nationalist ideas locates the party's intellectual development in a broader international context. This is a book that reveals Plaid Cymru in a new and sometimes controversial light.

Visone, Tommaso, Albert Camus as Philosopher and Political Thinker: The Radicality of Modesty. 146 pp. 2024:11 (Palgrave Macmillan, UK) <736-52>
ISBN 978-3-031-74563-8 hard ¥9,412.- (税込) EUR 39.99 *

This book explores the role of modesty in the thought of Albert Camus. Camusian modesty - modestie - affirms, against nihilism and absolutism, the necessity of taking care and putting passion into the relativity of human creation and recreation. The book shows how this care and passion spring from the necessity of a continually renewed tension between the self and the limits which transcend the self. From this standpoint, modesty is not a form of moderation; it goes to the root of human condition in face of the absurd. It is a radical attitude which engages human life in a daily struggle for meaning. With modesty in mind, Camus reimagined the relation between meaning and absurdity, history and nature, self and other, nation state and continent, global north and south, and war and peace. In a world of arrogance, narcissism, and fear, Camus' philosophical and political insights are fundamental in order to re-think and re-imagine our present.

Norberg, Jakob, Schopenhauer's Politics. (Modern European Philosophy) 287 pp. 2024:11 (Cambridge U. Pr., UK) <736-45>
ISBN 978-1-009-49154-9 hard ¥25,443.- (税込) GB￡ 90.00 *

Arthur Schopenhauer (1788-1860) lived through an era of great political turmoil, but previous assessments of his political thought have portrayed him as a pessimistic observer with no constructive solutions to offer. By assembling and contextualizing Schopenhauer's dispersed comments on political matters, this book reveals that he developed a distinct conception of politics. In opposition to rising ideological movements such as nationalism or socialism, Schopenhauer denied that politics can ever bring about universal emancipation or fraternal unity. Instead, he viewed politics as a tool for mitigating rather than resolving the conflicts of a fundamentally imperfect world. Jakob Norberg's fascinating book reconstructs Schopenhauer's political ideas and shows how they relate to the dominant debates and trends during the period in which he lived. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.

ホッブズの二つの科学－政治学、幾何学、哲学の構造
Adams, Marcus P., Hobbes's Two Sciences: Politics, Geometry, and the Structure of Philosophy. 248 pp. 2025:2 (Oxford U. Pr., UK) <736-15>
ISBN 978-0-19-892468-5 hard ¥21,767.- (税込) GB￡ 77.00 *

Seventeenth-Century Thinker Thomas Hobbes maintained that his philosophy constituted a unified system, but in what precise sense did he think that the branches of his philosophy were unified? This question has provoked extensive scholarship over the last half-century. Answering it is essential not only to understanding Hobbes's philosophy generally, but how one answers it significantly impacts our understanding of the Leviathan, his most influential work, and of the Laws of Nature, the foundation of his political philosophy. Hobbes's Two Sciences answers the question of philosophical unificiation by situating Hobbes's politics within his account of scientific knowledge as constructed by humans—an epistemology founded on the idea that makers have special access to causal knowledge—and by demonstrating that the relationship between pure and mixed mathematics provided him with a model for thinking about relationships between geometry and natural philosophy and between politics and history. Marcus P. Adams explores how this understanding of Hobbes's systematic philosophy impacts three long-standing areas of scholarship on Hobbes and the History of Early Modern Philosophy and provides a new view on Hobbes's system .

ルソーとリベラルな国際秩序の限界
King, Joshua, Rousseau and the Limits of the Liberal International Order. (The Palgrave Macmillan History of International Thought) 192 pp. 2025:1 (Palgrave Macmillan, UK) <736-17>
ISBN 978-3-031-69928-3 hard ¥30,598.- (税込) EUR 129.99 *

Jean-Jacques Rousseau's international thought anticipates many of the political dynamics that have arisen through globalization and great power competition. Rousseau and the Limits of the Liberal International Order considers Rousseau as a critic and a reformer of international politics, arguing that Rousseau's account of liberty drives his approach to the international realm. Rousseau's work provides an incisive critique. He dismantles notions of economic rationalism, rejects the preference for administration over self-governance, and encourages strategies of resistance as a meaningful response to great power rivalry. To address these concerns, Rousseau affirms an approach to international politics that is closely related to his account of political liberty. For Rousseau, liberty develops through one's carefully chosen obligations that encourage self-rule, limit dependence on others, and constrain the irrational motives of politics. To pursue these goals, Rousseau proposes civic education and national institutions that cultivate a sense shared of humanity and limit the use of war. These alternatives moderate the desire for status and establish a form of national interest directed towards contentment and pluralism rather than competition. Rousseau acknowledges significant limits to these solutions. Citizenship creates substantive divisions among human beings, and the pursuit of national self-sufficiency may leave the state vulnerable to more powerful neighbors. Emphasizing these trade-offs draws attention to competing sources of human obligation and to the unsatisfying ways that international politics attempts to harmonize them.

モンテスキュー
Manin, Bernard, Montesquieu. (L'avocat du diable / Glassine) 243 p. 2024:9 (Hermann, FR) <736-18>
ISBN 979-10-370-4037-4 paper ¥5,649.- (税込) EUR 24.00

J.E.スティグリッツ著　自由への道－経済学と良い社会
Stiglitz, Joseph E., The Road to Freedom: Economics and the Good Society. 384 pp. 2024 (Norton, US) <251-51896>
ISBN 978-1-324-07437-3 hard ¥6,234.- (税込) US$ 29.99 *

We are a nation born from the conviction that people must be free. But since the middle of the last century, that idea has been co-opted. Forces on the political Right have justified exploitation by cloaking it in the rhetoric of freedom, leading to pharmaceutical companies freely overcharging for medication, a Big Tech free from oversight, politicians free to incite rebellion, corporations free to pollute, and more. How did we get here? Whose freedom are we-and should we-be thinking about? In The Road to Freedom, Nobel prize winner Joseph E. Stiglitz dissects America's current economic system and the political ideology that created it, laying bare their twinned failure. "Free" and unfettered markets have only succeeded in delivering a series of crises: the financial crisis, the opioid crisis, and the crisis of inequality. While a small portion of the population has amassed considerable wealth, wages for most people have stagnated. Free and unfettered markets have exploited consumers, workers, and the environment alike. Such failures have fed populist movements that believe being free means abandoning any obligations citizens have to one another. As they grow in strength, these movements now pose a real threat to true economic and political freedom. As an economic advisor to presidents and as chief economist at the World Bank, Stiglitz has witnessed these profound changes firsthand. As he argues, the failures follow from the elites' unshakeable dedication to "the neoliberal experiment." Explicitly taking on giants such as Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman, Stiglitz exposes accepted ideas about our political and economic life for what they are: twisted visions that tear at the social fabric while they enrich the very few. The Road to Freedom breaks new ground, showing how economics-including recent advances in which Stiglitz has played such an important role-reframes how to think about freedom and the role of the state in a twenty-first century society. Drawing on the work of contemporary philosophers, Stiglitz explains a deeper, more humane way to assess freedoms-one that considers with care what to do when one person's freedom conflicts with another's. We must reimagine our existing economic and legal systems and embrace forms of collective action, including regulation and investment, if we are to create an innovative society in which everyone can flourish. The task could not be more urgent, and Stiglitz's latest book is essential reading for those committed to the American ideal of an economic and political system that delivers well-being, opportunity, and meaningful freedoms for all.

民主主義的エリート主義－アメリカ政治学創設の神話
Piano, Natasha, Democratic Elitism: The Founding Myth of American Political Science. 256 pp. 2025:4 (Harvard U. Pr., US) <735-433>
ISBN 978-0-674-29537-7 hard ¥8,305.- (税込) US$ 39.95 *

A searing argument-and work of meticulous scholarship-about how American political scientists misinterpreted the elite theory of democracy and in so doing made our political system vulnerable to oligarchic takeover.Do competitive elections secure democracy, or might they undermine it by breeding popular disillusionment with liberal norms and procedures? The so-called Italian School of Elitism, comprising Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, and Robert Michels, voiced this very concern. They feared that defining democracy exclusively through representative practices creates unrealistic expectations of what elections can achieve, generating mass demoralization and disillusionment with popular government.The Italian School's concern has gone unheeded, even as their elite theory has been foundational for political science in the United States. Democratic Elitism argues that scholars have misinterpreted the Italians as conservative, antidemocratic figures who championed the equation of democracy with representative practices to restrain popular participation in politics. Natasha Piano contends not only that the Italian School's thought has been distorted but also that theorists have ignored its main objective: to contain demagogues and plutocrats who prey on the cynicism of the masses. We ought to view these thinkers not as elite theorists of democracy but as democratic theorists of elitism.The Italian School's original writings do not reject electoral politics; they emphasize the power and promise of democracy beyond the ballot. Elections undoubtedly are an essential component of functioning democracies, but in order to preserve their legitimacy we must understand their true capacities and limitations. It is past time to dispel the delusion that we need only elections to solve political crises, or else mass publics, dissatisfied with the status quo, will fall deeper into the arms of authoritarians who capture and pervert formal democratic institutions to serve their own ends.

過去と現在の保守主義－哲学的入門
Rogers, Tristan J., Conservatism, Past and Present: A Philosophical Introduction. 300 pp. 2025:1 (Routledge, UK) <735-434>
ISBN 978-1-032-13952-4 hard ¥40,991.- (税込) GB￡ 145.00 *
ISBN 978-1-032-13950-0 paper ¥11,304.- (税込) GB￡ 39.99 *

In Conservatism, Past and Present: A Philosophical Introduction, Tristan J. Rogers argues that philosophical conservatism is a coherent and compelling set of historically rooted ideas about conserving and promoting the human good. Part I, "Conservatism Past," presents a history of conservative ideas, exploring themes, such as the search for wisdom, the limits of philosophy, reform in preference to revolution, the relationship between authority and freedom, and liberty as a living tradition. Major figures include Aristotle, Saint Thomas Aquinas, Edmund Burke, G.W.F. Hegel, and Roger Scruton. Part II, "Conservatism Present," applies philosophical conservatism to contemporary conservative politics, focusing on issues such as nationalism, populism, the family, education, and responsibility.Rogers shows that conservatism has been defined differently at different times: as a loose set of connected ideas reacting against the French Revolution; as a kind of disposition or instinct in favor of the status quo; and more recently as any ideas opposed to the political left. But he also allows a set of questions to guide his argument for conservatism's merits: What is conservatism? Is it a coherent and attractive philosophy? What are conservatives for? And how is today's conservatism related to its past? In his answers, Rogers paints a compelling and coherent picture of an aligned and attractive set of ideas.

オルドリベラリズム、国家、社会－社会秩序の政治理論
Malatesta, Olimpia, Ordoliberalism, State and Society: A Political Theory of Social Order. (Law and Politics) 290 pp. 2024:12 (Routledge, UK) <735-175>
ISBN 978-1-032-43201-4 hard ¥40,991.- (税込) GB￡ 145.00 *

This book provides a new interpretation of ordoliberalism - the influential German version of neoliberalism - by exploring the political, legal and social context of its emergence.Ordoliberal scholars regarded sociology, juridical science and economics as concrete policy-making instruments designed to discipline the structural conflicts of modern society. For, in their view, society should not impinge on the economy. Ordoliberalism is here presented as a political theory of social order, developing out of the crisis of the Weimar Republic and which has proven to be one of the most influential neoliberal accounts of social organization after WWII. Assessing the influence that leading German intellectuals such as Sombart, Schmoller, Savigny and Schmitt have exerted on ordoliberalism, this book provides an in-depth analysis of the social, legal and political theory of Walter Eucken, Franz Boehm, Alfred Mueller-Armack, Wilhelm Roepke and Alexander Ruestow. In so doing, the book offers an invaluable study of the ideological roots of the notion of an economic constitution and a political-theoretical analysis of one of the first articulations of authoritarian liberalism at the European level.This book will appeal to scholars and students of legal, social, political and economic theory.

社会契約論と国際関係－ホッブズからカントまで
Chadwick, Stephen, Social Contract Theory and International Relations: From Hobbes to Kant. 173 pp. 2024:9 (Springer, GW) <734-8>
ISBN 978-3-031-64220-3 hard ¥28,244.- (税込) EUR 119.99 *

This book provides a systematic analysis of Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau and Kant with respect to international relations. These philosophers belong to the social contract tradition and are considered some of the most influential political theorists. Their ideas have played a role in the formation of national political constitutions and remain very influential both in understanding and legitimising the structure of societies around the world. This book is an innovative analysis of what these thinkers have claimed regarding the relationship between nation states, rather than contributing to the established scholarship on what they have said about individual political societies. Specifically, individual chapters examine war and peace, world governance, inequality, and terrorism.