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Charts the founding of the American Empire.

The Fourth Kingdom is the second volume in a series of books, The Personality of American Power, tracing the distinctive continuities in the American way of war and strategy-making. A handful of themes emerge: securing the continuity and legitimacy of the Anglo-American regime; grounding the use of state power in political principles and ideology; calculating security interests in a fully global geopolitical context; seeing the path to great-power status as leading to westward, transatlantic expansion; differing strategic views between the imperial frontier and the metropolis; and an ongoing contest between advocates of a "blue-water," maritime, "off-shore balancing" approach to both colonial and continental affairs and promoters of direct engagement to achieve a favorable great-power balance. Seeing the North American colonies as a developing "Fourth Kingdom" adds a new dimension to the dominant "three-kingdoms" historiography of the tumultuous Stuart and Cromwellian years. Between the founding of the Jamestown colony and the carving-out of "Penn's Woods" seven decades later, English settlers came to control the critical seaports of North America, all but excluding other European powers.

This book explores the radicalization and fascistization of the Ustasa-The Croatian Revolutionary Organization within the interwar Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and later Yugoslavia, whose tumultuous rise led to terrorism and racial cleansing throughout the western Balkans.

Using an interdisciplinary and socio-cultural approach, Constantin Iordachi and Goran Miljan trace the Ustasa's political trajectory from its ideological and organizational roots in the 1920s, to its guerrilla struggle and terrorist activities in the 1930s, to its genocidal rule, violent downfall, and post-1945 metamorphosis in exile.

By considering the paramount role played by prejudice, economic deprivation, and the breakdown of social institutions in fueling grievances against an existing socio-political system, the authors place the emergence of the Ustasa in the context of the interwar Kingdom of Yugoslavia but also in the wider perspective of the emergence of fascist movements and regimes in interwar and wartime Europe.

This book is the sequel to Kathleen M. Byrd's 2024 study, Natchitoches, Louisiana, 1803-1840: A Creole Community on the American Frontier. Picking up the story in the 1840s and taking it through the Civil War, Byrd shows in this volume the economic activities of not only the planters and their enslaved workers but also the upland farmers, tradesmen, merchants, and others during the 1840s and 1850s. She then discusses how the disastrous Civil War created challenges for all those living on the home front.

Using the Phanor Prudhomme plantation, located down Cane River from the town of Natchitoches, as a case study, Byrd provides a portrait of life on a Louisiana cotton farm in the years just before the Civil War. Although cotton was the primary cash crop in Natchitoches during this period, most residents were not part of a planter household. Many farmers adopted other strategies, such as mixed-crop farming and herding, to sustain their families. Some small farmers were slaveholders; most were not. They were nonetheless complicit in maintaining slavery, either through renting enslaved people or by striving to become slaveholders themselves.
Byrd shows that the town of Natchitoches served as the economic and social center of the area, a place where larger merchants had stores, wealthy planters had townhouses, and the Catholic diocese had its cathedral and seminary. It was the parish seat with a courthouse, lawyers, and associated government officials, as well as doctors, druggists, and hotel keepers. The town had a newspaper and a racetrack, where the Natchitoches Jockey Club held its annual races.

White residents of Natchitoches were well informed about national developments. After the 1860 presidential election, most men in town voted against immediate secession, but they changed their stance when the Civil War began. Their enthusiasm for the Confederacy ebbed, however, as the war dragged on. The war reached Natchitoches Parish when the Union army invaded the Red River Valley and occupied Natchitoches. Foraging activities by both Union and Confederate soldiers left the town and countryside devastated, while enslaved laborers used the chaos of war to seek freedom.

A history of the battles over regulation of hate speech in the United States.

The United States has no hate speech laws; hate speech is generally considered to be free speech under the First Amendment. In this crisp guided history, acclaimed legal historian Samantha Barbas chronicles the country's legal and cultural battles over the regulation of hate speech in the last hundred years. Charting the historical context for current debates, she ultimately argues that, however emotionally appealing they may seem, hate speech laws undermine civil rights and democracy.

The American policy on hate speech evolved from influences such as the civil rights movement, which contended that the most effective way to combat hate speech wasn't through proposed laws. Rather than imposing restrictions, the US has developed an array of mechanisms other than law, including counterspeech and public education, that have been relatively effective at dealing with hate speakers and hate groups. Though not perfect, our method of addressing hate is less dangerous than government censorship and less likely to be weaponized against the powerless.

Before Ruth Bader Ginsburg persuaded the Supreme Court to strike down sex discrimination, Dorothy Kenyon built the legal blueprint.

Justice Was Her Calling is the first full-length biography of the New York judge, lawyer, and civil liberties champion whose litigation strategies helped transform the equal protection clause into a powerful tool for women's rights. Across decades, from the Progressive Era through the New Deal and into the rise of second-wave feminism, Dorothy Kenyon stood at the forefront of reform.

A longtime ACLU national board member, the only woman appointed by the League of Nations to study women's legal status worldwide, and a US delegate to the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, she pushed equality onto the global stage long before it was widely embraced. Her career was nearly undone when Senator Joseph McCarthy named her the first alleged communist. Though fully cleared, the accusation cast a lasting shadow.

Drawing on letters, speeches, and fresh archival research, Jennifer L. Brinkley restores Kenyon to her rightful status as a legal pioneer and reminds us that civil liberties endure only when defended.

Interrogating the notion of medical knowledge and public health practices in colonial India, this volume explores the complex encounters between Western medical systems and indigenous healing traditions during British rule. The book examines how colonial medical institutions functioned as instruments of both care and control, while indigenous practices retained their relevance among the masses. Through detailed case studies including W.M. Haffkine's plague vaccine campaigns, the Rockefeller Foundation's public health interventions, and the evolution of medical research under colonial constraints, the book reveals the multifaceted nature of medical encounters at various sites between 1820 and 1920. The analysis extends to examining the Indian Medical Gazette as a mirror reflecting contemporary medical debates, the contours of medical research in a colonial laboratory, and comparative perspectives from other colonies in Southeast Asia and East Africa. The work demonstrates how medical knowledge became a contested terrain where scientific advancement, colonial politics, and indigenous resistance intersected.

This book will be of significant interest to historians of medicine, colonial studies scholars, public health professionals, sociologists, and policy planners seeking to understand the historical foundations of contemporary medical systems in South Asia. It offers valuable insights for postgraduate students and researchers in medical history, colonial history, public health, and South Asian studies.

How definitions of childhood in early America codified social hierarchies and remain with us today

As of 2025, in the United States an eleven-year-old child can be charged with a federal crime while in many states it's illegal to leave a twelve-year-old home alone. Twenty-six states allow children younger than sixteen to marry while the legal drinking age remains twenty-one. Are these age-based laws really protecting children, and if not, why do they exist? Holly N.S. White uncovers the answers to these questions through a history of America's first age-based laws.

Analyzing trial records, newspapers, personal letters and diaries, as well as legal statutes from the founding era to the Civil War, White shows how restrictive age-based laws were implemented to benefit those who already held power. Over time, these new laws-coming out of child murder and rape trials as well as guardianship and underage marriage disputes-increasingly circumscribed the rights of young Americans in the early republic. As White shows, race, class, status, and gender influenced who came to benefit from the label of "child" in post-revolutionary America. In so doing, Constructing American Childhood explains why Americans continue to be guided by the age-based legal definitions of childhood and adulthood of our past.

Retelling the story of the largest group murder trial in American history-that of the 110 Black soldiers convicted by court-martial in the aftermath of the so-called Houston Riot of 1917-The Making of the Houston Martyrs uncovers the meaning of justice in a time of war. In centering the ambiguities and contradictions of this case, the book grapples with larger struggles over police and military authority and jurisdiction as manifested in three relationships between prisons and policing in wartime: the consolidation and normalization of military control over civilians, the scripted use of police-military authority in the quelling of American race riots, and the crosscurrents of military imprisonment as part of the legacy of domestic policing and punishment in the United States. The Making of the Houston Martyrs widens the historical lens of prison and police studies to account for different forms of legal status produced in war and normalized in peace, telling an abolitionist history of state punitive power and its reflections in American political thought.

Even as scandals over the US military's domestic surveillance of civilians continue to surface today, Eyes in the Shadows reveals how this monitoring of citizens began more than a century ago. In this new origin story of the US surveillance state, Alexandre Rios-Bordes returns to the First World War, when two modest intelligence services-the Military Intelligence Division and the Office of Naval Intelligence-began spying on civilians. The book shows why and how this practice continued in peacetime, drawing the armed forces into the ongoing monitoring of the population. What processes and practices determine who warrants surveillance? What does it mean for a state to turn against certain citizens and groups and cast them as enemies? To answer these questions, Eyes in the Shadows describes surveillance in the making, immersing readers inside secretive organizations and showing how they operate-from collecting field data to writing reports and analyzing threats. The book offers unprecedented insight into the mechanisms of military vigilance, the shadow of which still looms over the present.