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This book presents Herman Hugo's The Siege of Breda (1626) in a modern-spelling edition of Henry Gage's 1627 English translation, introduced and contextualised by Paul Arblaster.

Hugo's text is a classic of Latin Baroque historical writing that comprehensively recounts a nine-month military campaign in the Low Countries (1624-25) which was a showcase of early 17th-century siege warfare and attracted the attention and involvement of almost every country in Europe. His translator was an Englishman who served in the siege as a company captain.

Arblaster shines a light on Hugo's first-hand account of the siege, with its considerations of every aspect of the military operations and their human consequences. Hugo took part in the campaign himself as chaplain to the general who conducted the siege, Ambrogio Spinola, and so had privileged access to the decision-making process, as well as close familiarity with the various events and incidents that he recounts. Hugo also devotes attention to the moral and material state of the soldiery and of the besieged; describes individual actions, lapses, feats of heroism, duels, ambushes and stratagems; and considers the wider propaganda war that surrounded the siege. As a result, his book offers a contemporary commentary on the role of honour, reputation and image in 17th-century warfare, as well as vital insights into the perspective of one of the first and foremost celebrity generals of the time.

What does tribal sovereignty really mean-and why does it matter today?

Accessibly written for the nonspecialist, acclaimed historian Donald L. Fixico unpacks the complex history and legal foundations of tribal sovereignty in the United States. From traditional Native governance to landmark treaties, federal laws, and court cases, Fixico guides readers through the evolution of tribal self-rule and its modern expressions-from tribal constitutions to license plates and casinos. Designed for students, educators, tribal members, and professionals alike, this book offers a clear, compelling introduction to one of the most important-and often misunderstood-concepts in American Indian affairs.

This book is a go-to source for understanding the federal Indian laws, treaties, and court cases simplified to explain tribal sovereignty.

Examines the presidential elections from 1832 to 2020 and reveals that the unequal representation of popular vote among states and wasted votes received by popular vote winners are major causes of the split between the popular vote result and Electoral College result.

During the 2020 presidential election, it was possible, if unlikely, for a candidate to win the election by winning only 21 percent of the popular vote in the nation. Inversely, it was possible for a candidate to win 79 percent of popular vote and still lose the election. Examining presidential elections from 1832 to 2020, Manabu Saeki reveals that the unequal representation of popular vote among states and wasted votes received by popular vote winners are major causes of the split between the popular vote result and Electoral College result. An average voter in the most overrepresented state holds Electoral College votes that are approximately twice as many as those of the average voter nationwide and four times larger than those of the most underrepresented state. Republican candidates today tend to win a significantly larger number of overrepresented states, thereby winning a larger number of Electoral College votes relative to the number of popular votes they win. However, Republican candidates also suffer more wasted votes than Democratic candidates. Further, Saeki analyzes the vote decision by individual voters. Voters with strong racist and/or authoritarian inclinations tended to vote for a Republican candidate prior to, as well as after, the 2016 election. There is no indication that Donald Trump mobilized the voters with racist or authoritarian predispositions.

Charts the founding of the American Empire.

The Fourth Kingdom is the second volume in a series of books, The Personality of American Power, tracing the distinctive continuities in the American way of war and strategy-making. A handful of themes emerge: securing the continuity and legitimacy of the Anglo-American regime; grounding the use of state power in political principles and ideology; calculating security interests in a fully global geopolitical context; seeing the path to great-power status as leading to westward, transatlantic expansion; differing strategic views between the imperial frontier and the metropolis; and an ongoing contest between advocates of a "blue-water," maritime, "off-shore balancing" approach to both colonial and continental affairs and promoters of direct engagement to achieve a favorable great-power balance. Seeing the North American colonies as a developing "Fourth Kingdom" adds a new dimension to the dominant "three-kingdoms" historiography of the tumultuous Stuart and Cromwellian years. Between the founding of the Jamestown colony and the carving-out of "Penn's Woods" seven decades later, English settlers came to control the critical seaports of North America, all but excluding other European powers.

Americans have participated in the ballot box from the Founding Era to the present day. By combining historical background with current debates, it highlights both progress and persistent barriers to fuller democratic participation. Presented in an accessible dictionary-style format, the book defines and explains key terms, concepts, court cases, and political developments that have shaped U.S. democracy. It covers milestones such as the expansion of suffrage, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and modern challenges like gerrymandering, voter suppression, election denial, and disinformation.

Historical Dictionary of Voting and Elections in the United States contains a chronology, an introduction, and an extensive bibliography, and cross-referenced dictionary entries. With a focus on election mechanics, reforms that have expanded access, and the threats of democratic backsliding, this volume gives readers the language and context to understand how U.S. elections operate and why they matter. It serves as both a reference and a reminder to value and defend the foundations of democratic participation.

This book examines the forgotten proposal to make Constantinople the headquarters of the League of Nations after the First World War, in order to rethink the origins of modern international order. By tracing the debate between liberal internationalism and Western imperialism, it shows how global governance was shaped by power, geography, and ideology rather than universal principles. The author argues that the choice of Geneva as the League's seat was not a neutral administrative decision, but a deeply political one. Focusing on the years from 1919 to 1920, the book reconstructs a critical moment when two competing visions of world order collided: the first, an inclusive, post-imperial internationalism advanced by figures such as David Davies, versus an imperial internationalism championed by policy-makers and the likes of Jan Smuts and Robert Henry Brand. At stake was whether the League would emerge as a genuinely global institution or as a reconfigured instrument of Western dominance. Drawing on pamphlets, Peace Conference minutes, parliamentary debates, and archival sources, the book offers a new perspective on postwar diplomacy, the League of Nations, and the spatial politics of international institutions.

Presenting a study of the Galli priests of the Roman cult of Cybele, the Great Mother goddess, this book examines the archaeological evidence to give a clearer picture of the priesthood. The Galli were priests renowned in Antiquity for their crossdressing, mendicant, ecstatic behaviour and their infamous act of self-castration. However, most of our understanding of the Galli comes from an incomplete, fragmentary and scathing literary record. This book aims to rectify this imbalance by re-assessing them in light of the material evidence, and by comparing them with subsequent cultural groups.

Through the use of three comparative case studies from Polynesia, India and North America, this book analyses the ancient social group with these three modern 'gender variant' counterparts to highlight the 'othered' identity and experience of the Galli. The study reveals shared similarities regarding gendered 'other' attire, religious associations and sexual relationships. This approach offers a remarkable insight into the Galli cult, and poses questions on how similar human social groups operate, irrespective of time and place.

In Arizona's Quest for Reform, David R. Berman traces the rise and fall of a dynamic coalition of socialists, labor activists, and progressive Democrats led by the influential Governor George Hunt as they pursued sweeping reforms in a rapidly changing state. From the fight for workers' rights and women's suffrage to the use of the initiative process and the role of radical newspapers, Berman brings to life the people and movements that shaped Arizona's early political identity.

Drawing on extensive primary sources and organized in a clear chronological structure, Berman's study reveals the tensions, alliances, and dramatic events that defined Arizona's reform efforts between 1900 and 1920. The book explores the impact of powerful mining interests, railroad companies, and labor unions, while also examining the racialization of Mexican miners and their evolving role in the labor movement. Through vivid storytelling and rigorous scholarship, Berman uncovers the complexities of political change in a state straddling the transition from territory to statehood.

This landmark work will appeal to scholars of western history, labor studies, and political science, as well as general readers interested in Arizona's unique place in the national Progressive movement. Arizona's Quest for Reform not only deepens our understanding of the past but also offers timely insights into the enduring challenges of coalition building, grassroots activism, and political reform. It is a vital contribution to the study of Arizona and the American West.

Between 1558 and 1604, more than 400 subjects of Queen Elizabeth I found themselves in contact with the Spanish Inquisition. This book draws on the records of their experiences and testimonies to provide a fresh perspective on a crucial period of religious divergence.
Teresa Tinsley examines the varied experiences of merchants, sailors, diplomats and prisoners of war, highlighting cases of persecution, conversion, ambivalence, and cultural adaptation. Paying close attention to an impressive assemblage of original sources, Tinsley challenges exaggerated claims about the cruelty and scale of the Inquisition's actions against the English, which fed contemporary anti-Spanish propaganda and continue to colour perceptions of early modern globalisation and European colonisation today. She shows that there were witnesses, litigants and collaborators as well as defendants, not all were Protestant, very few were treated harshly and most attempted, with variable success, to bridge the Reformation gap between Elizabeth's Protestant England and Philip II's post-Tridentine Spain.
Their stories provide not only a comprehensive rebuttal of notions derived from the Black Legend, but also privileged access to the historical reality of the lives of individuals at the interface of opposed religious cultures. Cross cultural contact - whether through trade or maritime conflict - brought individuals face to face with differences in religious faith and practice and those interrogated by the Inquisition were required to articulate these. This has resulted in a unique corpus of historical evidence which exposes the multi-dimensional and fluid nature of religious affiliation, nationhood, and personal identity which drove conflict between the two nations.

Brings Connecticut suffragist and socialist Emily Pierson out of the shadows, exploring her role in the social and political movements that shook America from the 1910s to the Cold War.

At once the story of a largely forgotten local firebrand of left politics in Connecticut, Yankee Radical chronicles the life and activism of Emily Miller Pierson. Born in Cromwell, Connecticut, Pierson was the scion of a wealthy family that owned an industrial-scale horticultural firm. After graduating from Vassar College in 1907, she immersed herself in the suffrage movement, becoming the primary ground-level organizer and strategist in her state. During the 1930s, she raised her political involvement to a new level, as Connecticut's most prominent supporter of the Communist Party and the Soviet Union, and later China. Her activities as a spokesperson, leader, and "financial angel" of the left over three decades earned her FBI surveillance and a spot on the US government's Security Index for possible detention. Still, she clung fiercely to her radical beliefs up until her death at the age of eighty-nine. Drawing on Pierson's papers and FBI file, Richard Lenzi offers an in-depth look at the political and social setting in which Pierson operated, from the development of industrial unionism in the state to McCarthyism and the Cold War.

The general-in-chief did not command the million-man Union army that fought in the Civil War, as most historians have assumed; rather, he was a member of a management team that included the president and the secretary of war. The president, as commander-in-chief, created the position by appointing an officer to it, and he could dismiss that officer at any time and choose not to appoint another. The general-in-chief had to cooperate closely with the president and the secretary of war to ensure the team functioned effectively.

In Managing the Union Army, renowned Civil War historian Earl J. Hess upends our understanding of the general-in-chief, his role in the Union military system, and his influence on the conflict's outcome. Hess reinterprets the accomplishments and failures of the four men who held the position, evaluating Winfield Scott, George B. McClellan, Henry W. Halleck, and Ulysses S. Grant in ways that might surprise many students of Civil War military history.
The Union general-in-chief could take on four major responsibilities. The first was to serve as a military advisor to the president and the secretary of war. The second was to develop policies to govern the huge Union army. The third was to recommend officers to command corps, field armies, and military departments. The fourth was to actually command a portion of the army in field operations, a role that Grant alone fulfilled. Hess shows how the performance of the four men varied greatly across the three other tasks. He also details Grant's unique achievement as a field commander-ending the war, which none of the other Union generals-in-chief were able to do.

Hess illuminates how personality traits helped or hindered the generals-in-chief during the war. McClellan's deeply flawed personality contributed to his failure in fulfilling the duties of the position. Grant's strongly positive personality and will-do attitude, by contrast, helped him to succeed more fully in the role than any of his predecessors.

Hess also offers a much more positive evaluation of Halleck than is typical of the scholarly literature on Civil War commanders. Halleck was not only a successful general-in-chief but also fundamentally supported Grant during the last year of the conflict by serving as chief of staff of the U.S. Army, a fourth member of the management team. From an elderly though distinguished officer like Scott, to Grant, the most effective general of the Civil War, the office of general-in-chief evolved into the crucial military position in the Federal war effort. Hess's study, through a close examination of administrative history, offers a dramatically new way of understanding how the Union army worked in the Civil War.

The story of an outsider representing the Hasidic Satmar Jewish community of Kiryas Joel in the Orange County, New York Legislature.

Outside Looking In chronicles the saga of Michael Frank Amo, an Orange County, New York, legislator who has represented the Hasidic Jewish community of Kiryas Joel for three decades. As a political minority member of the legislature, Amo fought to get their voice and points of view heard amid during his unique role as a non-Jew representing a Satmar Hasidic community. It shows how he learned about them, how to best represent them, and why they behave so differently than others, ultimately illuminating the humanity and core values of the Satmar in relationship to the world around them, how they manage conflicts among themselves, and the non-Hasidic or secular world of Orange County. With input from many in and outside the community, Amo proposes approaches to the conflicts caused by theological differences, ignorance, bias, antisemitism, and anti-Hasidim that have fermented for nearly a half-century. For anyone interested in this unique community or the ongoing problems caused by antisemitism in our country, this book is a must read.

This volume studies popular assemblies in Greek cities from Homeric to late Hellenistic times. Greek poleis were among the most politically inclusive societies in premodern history, primarily because via their public assemblies, most or all adult male citizens beyond the elite could participate in politics. In those cities the Greeks called democracies, the assembly even functioned as the chief decision-making institution. In this volume, an international team of experts explores assemblies in Greek cities mostly beyond the already well-studied case of Classical Athens, focussing on topics like the origins of assembly politics in Homeric communities, the size of assemblies, assemblies in Classical oligarchic poleis, assemblies in Hellenistic cities (traditionally viewed as no longer fully democratic), and the comparative study of Greek assemblies and participatory institutions in other societies.

A companion volume (Popular Political Participation from the Early Roman Empire to Late Antiquity: The Assemblies of the Greek Cities beyond Athens Volume II) explores assemblies in Greek cities under Rome until the late third century CE. Throughout both volumes, the emphasis is on the notion that assemblies were an essential contributing factor to the surprising institutional success and longevity of the Greek city. Together they suggest that the assembly ought to be a key component of any explanation for the remarkable resilience of the polis as a system of government through more than a millennium of ancient history.