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As ideologies such as communism, fascism and various nationalisms vied for global domination during the first half of the 20th century, this book shows how a specific group of individuals - a cosmopolitan elite - became representatives of those ideologies the world over.

Centering on the Indian intellectual M.N Roy, Cosmopolitan Elites and the Making of Globality situates his life within various social circles that covered several ideological realms and continents. An example of an individual who represented ideologies such as anticolonial nationalism, communism and humanism, Roy is identified as unusual but by no means singular in this capacity, and shows how other elites were similarly able to represent ideologies that sought to make the world anew.

This book explores how Roy and his peers and competitors became a political elite as they cultivated a cosmopolitan reputation that meant they were taken seriously even when speaking of regions outside of their own. By considering the social and performative practices that turned them into credible, global, cosmopolitans, Wolters uncovers the exclusive basis on which the universal claims of world-changing ideologies were made.

Central Asia has long been situated at the geographical crossroads of East and West, once strategically located on the ancient Silk Road. The envy of the expanding Russian empire, it was colonized in the 19th century by Cossacks and traders from the north. This book examines how Central Asia, by then part of the Soviet Union, experienced population displacements on an even greater scale during the Second World War. Vicky Davis analyses how troops were sent westwards into action, only for waves of civilians to travel eastwards into the region: evacuees, refugees and even internal deportees sent into exile from their homelands in other parts of the vast Soviet Union.

Central Asia in World War Two is the first book to tackle the subject of minorities fighting for the Soviet Union under Stalin in the Second World War. Based on meticulous archival research, it considers the interactions of the individual citizen and the Soviet state, weaving together the experiences of over three hundred ordinary men and women in Central Asia as they coped with their new roles on the front line or in the rear. Suffering incredible economic and physical hardship, racism and religious oppression, these mainly Muslim citizens were subjected to a forced process of Sovietization under the influence of Stalin's ubiquitous propaganda machine.

Davis reveals how, while conscripts were all too often slaughtered or scapegoated in their regiments, the women and children left at home slaved in factories and communal farms to fuel the machinery of a war taking place thousands of kilometres away. She convincingly argues that the impact of forced assimilation, cultural indoctrination, anti-Semitism and re-education on the region were as great as the daily fight for survival in wartime. The legacy of the period is almost as complex, with struggles over the ownership and revision of history continuing even today.

This book explores anti-apartheid movements on university and college campuses across Africa and the United States in the 1970s and 1980s.

In the wake of the March 1960 Sharpeville Massacre in South Africa, the country's apartheid policies drew increasing critical international attention. By the 1970s, South Africa found itself isolated due to growing sporting, economic and cultural boycotts. Africans across the continent showed solidarity with Black South Africans through a range of boycotts and protests, by hosting South Africans exiled from their home country, and by vilifying the apartheid government at every turn. This volume looks at elite institutions as well as state colleges and universities in the United States, and the actions of university students in Nigeria, Kenya, Ghana, and South Africa during the anti-apartheid movements in the 1970s and 1980s, revealing the local manifestations of a global struggle. The chapters showcase how vibrant campus anti-apartheid movements were, what universal problems emerged, and where unique concerns manifested at a wide range of institutions.

Taking innovative approaches and offering case studies, Struggle for a Free South Africa reveals the myriad ways the anti-apartheid struggle manifested in a range of academic environments and how those campaigns have been remembered and documented. This book was originally published as a special issue of Safundi.

As new nations were formed from the declining British Empire, a murky world of diplomats, oil executives and spies were determined to maintain London's grip on Iran and its strategic oil reserves. Directed from Whitehall by successive governments, this book explores the complexities and ambiguities of British policy in Iran and demonstrates its centrality to post-war imperial reorientation.

Situating Iran within Britain's 'informal empire,' Jack Taylor demonstrates that Clement Attlee's Labour Government saw Iranian oil as critical to the construction of a domestic New Jerusalem, and used coercion, propaganda, and espionage to preserve their control over it. In doing so, they were forced to confront not only the emerging Cold War, but local resistance expressed through diverse forms including trade unionism, Soviet-inspired Marxism, and popular nationalism.

Oil, Nationalism and British Policy in Iran offers new insight into the scale of British interference in Iran and its ultimate failure. It reveals that as London's policy floundered the United States independently took steps to safeguard their own regional economic and security interests. Although British actors were critical in the operation to depose Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh following his government's nationalisation of the oil industry, they were ultimately unable to sustain their informal empire in Iran.

The newly discovered papers and colourfully-written letters of Anglo-Irish Sir Henry Dobbs, which form the backbone of this book, reveal his importance in the development of the modern Middle East.
An influential civil servant and Britain's longest serving High Commissioner in Iraq at a time when the British empire was facing increasing challenges to its once dominant position, he describes the difficulties of governing first in India then in the formerly Ottoman Mesopotamia during WW1. Here, Dobbs had to devise administrative systems while often at odds with his superior, Sir Percy Cox. In the discussions that followed the Third Afghan War, Dobbs manoeuvred between the different views in London and Delhi with great dexterity to negotiate alone with the Amir of Afghanistan the enduring 1921 Anglo-Afghan treaty.

Having accepted from the League of Nations the responsibility for taking the newly-created Iraq to sustainable independence in the aftermath of WW1, the cash-strapped British government came under great domestic pressure to abandon it. Key to British support continuing was Iraqi acceptance of the controversial 1922 treaty with Britain. This Dobbs achieved by disregarding the unhelpful approach recommended by London and, risking his career, he pressed on with his own wholly unauthorised tactics. In other initiatives, Dobbs ensured that Mosul province remained within Iraq. Dobbs consistently pressed for Iraq's early independence - granted in 1932, the first territory in the former Ottoman Empire to gain it.

An early advocate of self-determination Dobbs was frequently at odds with the more traditional imperial approach of his superiors. He always endeavoured to balance the aspirations and needs of overseas communities for whom he was responsible with the interests of Britain which he represented.

This edited collection explores absence, presence and remembrance in British political culture and memory studies. Comprehensive in its scope, it covers the entire modern period, bringing together the 19th and 20th centuries as well as Britain, Ireland and the Atlantic World.

As the first comparative and in-depth study to explore the central and contested place of memory and the invention of tradition in modern British politics, chapters include memorialisation, statue-mania, anniversaries and on the wider impact and invoking of 'dead generations'. In doing so, this book provides a new, exciting and accessible way of engaging with the history of British political culture.

The Rise and Fall of Communist Yugoslavism: Soft Nation-Building in Yugoslavia examines how the Communist Party of Yugoslavia incorporated the idea of a Yugoslav nation into its ideology and created the Yugoslav Soft Nation-Building project after the Second World War. With an innovative approach of researching three levels of research (from above, from below and from the viewpoint of interethnic relations) the book brings forward an original concept of soft nation-building, with a focus on the Slovenian-Yugoslav dimension.

Drawing on archival sources from Ljubljana, Zagreb, Sarajevo and Belgrade, the author argues that after the abandonment of the Yugoslav national idea, two Yugoslavisms were created in the mid-1960s. State-based socialist Yugoslavism was propagated by the Party and had no ethnic connotations, only a small proportion of the population identified themselves as "Yugoslav" in national terms. The created vacuum was filled by old national identities.

The book is of interest to specialists and advanced students of cultural and intellectual history, studies of nationalism, but also history of science and institutions and the history of everyday life. The book aims to appeal to scholars of Balkan, South-East European and Yugoslav history.

A sobering account of how the United States trapped itself in endless wars-abroad and at home-and what it might do to break free.

Over the past half-century, Americans have watched their country extend its military power to what seemed the very ends of the earth. America's might is felt on nearly every continent-and even on its own streets. Decades ago, the Wars on Drugs and Terror broke down the walls separating law enforcement from military operations. A World of Enemies tells the story of how an America plagued by fears of waning power and influence embraced foreign and domestic forever wars.

Osamah Khalil argues that the militarization of US domestic and foreign affairs was the product of America's failure in Vietnam. Unsettled by their inability to prevail in Southeast Asia, US leaders increasingly came to see a host of problems as immune to political solutions. Rather, crime, drugs, and terrorism were enemies spawned in "badlands"-whether the Middle East or stateside inner cities. Characterized as sites of endemic violence, badlands lay beyond the pale of civilization, their ostensibly racially and culturally alien inhabitants best handled by force.

Yet militarized policy has brought few victories. Its failures-in Iraq, Afghanistan, US cities, and increasingly rural and borderland America-have only served to reinforce fears of weakness. It is time, Khalil argues, for a new approach. Instead of managing never-ending conflicts, we need to reinvest in the tools of traditional politics and diplomacy.

Drawing on unpublished archival material, this volume compares Moravian economic practice in three different mission-settings, to demonstrate how Moravian practices evolved during the 18th century as part of a globalizing world and economy. Delivering in-depth analysis of the far-reaching and deep seated effects of missionary activity on indigenous communities and social relations, it explores how different economic contexts had an impact on the missionaries' relations with Indigenous and slave-populations in empire.

Petterson provides an insight how the missionaries worked, lived among various non-European peoples, and how they organised themselves and their surroundings at a time of changing identities and socio economic change. Analysing how missionary practice developed over this period, it also demonstrates how the Moravian leadership's priorities and how this affected attitudes to non-European peoples on the ground. Standing outside of national and imperial boundaries, and ambivalent about the political notion of imperialism as well as colonisation itself, Moravian missionaries nonetheless functioned in parallel with colonial structures, and were part of a broadly culturally colonial mission. So, even on the outskirts of imperial organisation, they were often a crucial part of colonial practice and took part in normalising capitalist relations in many-but not all-settings, as this book demonstrates.

This book seeks to contribute a multi-dimensional, multi-layered and gendered approach to the illicit economy in the historiography of early modern Europe.

Using original source material from several countries, this volume concentrates on a border and transnational area-approximately the Lyon-Geneva-Turin triangle-located at the heart of European trade. It focuses on three products-salt, cotton and silk-all of which fuelled the black market between the last decades of the seventeenth century and the French Revolution. This volume offers an original contribution to wider studies of smuggling, illicit markets and women's economic roles by taking into account the economic life of remote mountain communities and industrious cities.

Showing that irregular practices were a structural characteristic of early modern economies, it provides insight into the opportunities offered to women in a highly flexible economy where licit and illicit activities were intermingled in a very complex way.

This research monograph is aimed at a historical audience and constitutes a useful resource for students and scholars interested in gender history, social and economic history, urban history and French studies.

Money, Warfare and Power in the Ancient World offers twelve papers analysing the processes, consequences and problems involved in the monetization of warfare and its connection to political power in antiquity. The contributions explore not only how powerful men and states used money and coinage to achieve their aims, but how these aims and methods had often already been shaped by the medium of coined money - typically with unintended consequences. These complex relationships between money, warfare and political power - both personal and collective - are explored across different cultures and socio-political systems around the ancient Mediterranean, ranging from Pharaonic Egypt to late antique Europe.

This volume is also a tribute to the life and impact of Professor Matthew Trundle, an inspiring teacher and scholar, who was devoted to promoting the discipline of Classics in New Zealand and beyond. At the time of his death, he was writing a book on the wider importance of money in the Greek world. A central piece of this research is incorporated into this volume, completed by one of his former students, Christopher de Lisle. Additionally, Trundle had situated himself at the centre of a wide-ranging conversation on the nature of money and power in antiquity. The contributions of scholars of ancient monetization in this volume bring together many of the threads of those conversions, further advancing a field which Matthew Trundle had worked so tirelessly to promote.

For a long time, everything revolved around bread. Providing more than half of people's daily calories, bread was the life-source of Europe for centuries. In the middle of 19th century, a third of household expenditure was spent on bread. Why, then, does it only account for 0.8% of expenditure and just 12% of daily calories today?

In this book, Peter Scholliers delves into the history of bread to map out its defining moments and people. From the price revolution of the 1890s that led to affordable and pure white bread, to the taste revolution of the 1990s that ushered in healthy brown bread, he studies consumers, bakers and governments to explain how and why this food that once powered an entire continent has fallen by the wayside, and what this means for the modern age.

From prices and consumption to legislation and technology, Scholliers shows how the history of bread has been shaped by subtle cultural shifts as well as top-down decisions from ruling bodies. From the small home baker to booming factories, he follows changes in agriculture, transport, production and policy since the 19th century to explain why bread, once the centre of everything, is not so today.

A masterful account of the global Cold War's decisive influence on Soviet economic reform, and the national decay that followed.

What brought down the Soviet Union? From some perspectives the answers seem obvious, even teleological-communism was simply destined to fail. When Yakov Feygin studied the question, he came to another conclusion: at least one crucial factor was a deep contradiction within the Soviet political economy brought about by the country's attempt to transition from Stalinist mass mobilization to a consumer society.

Building a Ruin explores what happened in the Soviet Union as institutions designed for warfighting capacity and maximum heavy industrial output were reimagined by a new breed of reformers focused on "peaceful socioeconomic competition." From Khrushchev on, influential schools of Soviet planning measured Cold War success in the same terms as their Western rivals: productivity, growth, and the availability of abundant and varied consumer goods. The shift was both material and intellectual, with reformers taking a novel approach to economics. Instead of trumpeting their ideological bona fides and leveraging their connections with party leaders, the new economists stressed technical expertise. The result was a long and taxing struggle for the meaning of communism itself, as old-guard management cadres clashed with reformers over the future of central planning and the state's relationship to the global economic order.

Feygin argues that Soviet policymakers never resolved these tensions, leading to stagnation, instability, and eventually collapse. Yet the legacy of reform lingers, its factional dynamics haunting contemporary Russian politics.

The first English translation of Magnus the Lawmender's law code, this book allows students and scholars to interpret, compare and add their perspectives to this crucial source to European legal history.

The Laws of the Land are one of the very few law books issued in the Middle Ages which regulated a whole kingdom. It stayed in force until the late 17th century, shaping society, politics and law in Norway and its surrounding regions for over 400 years. This book is separated into three parts. The first is an introduction to the laws written by the translator, Johanna Katrin Fri?riksdottir. The second and longest section of the book is a complete English translation of the Laws of the Land. The final part is a glossary, which lays out the most important Old Norse legal terms with English translations. The glossary also contains explanations and conversions of religious feast days which are relevant in the law.

Providing familiarity with the Laws of the Land, this book is crucial to students and scholars of Medieval history alike to understanding the social, legal, political, and intellectual developments of the Nordic High Middle Ages.

The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons [Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND)] 4.0 license.

This book explores sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Jesuit contributions to the rhetorical tradition established by Isocrates, Aristotle, Cicero and Quintilian. It analyses the writings of those Jesuits who taught rhetoric at the College of Rome, including Pedro Juan Perpina, (1530-66), Carlo Reggio (1539-1612), Francesco Benci (1542-94), Famiano Strada (1572-1649) and Tarquinio Galluzzi (1574-1649). Additionally, it discusses the rhetorical views of Jesuits who were not based in Rome, most notably Cypriano Soarez (1524-93), the author of the popular manual De arte rhetorica. Jesuit education, Ciceronianism and civic life feature as the key themes of the book.

Early Jesuits and the Rhetorical Tradition, 1540-1650 argues that, in line with Cicero, early modern Jesuit teachers and humanists associated rhetoric with a civic function. Jesuit writings, not only on rhetoric, but also on moral, religious and political themes, testify to their thorough familiarity with Cicero's civic philosophy. Following Cicero, Isocrates and Renaissance humanists, early modern Jesuit teachers of the studia humanitatis coupled eloquence with wisdom and, in so doing, invested the rhetorician with such qualities and duties which many quattrocento humanists ascribed to an active citizen or statesman. These qualities centred on the duty to promote the common good by actively participating in civic life.

This book will appeal to scholars and students alike interested in the history of the Jesuits, history of ideas and early modern history in general.